Hope
for the Future, Peace for the Present
“I am proud of the people from the community who have come out to
say they don't want this anymore. There are people who are marching right now
to bring calm to our community. There are people who want so much for there to
be peace and to protect the values of our community. There are people who want
so much for there to be peace and to protect the values of our community. I'm
proud of them. I'm also very
concerned because what I'm seeing is not -- it is just not acceptable. And I
shouldn't -- went to one of the elementary schools near the -- in the western
district, Gilmore elementary school this morning, and talked to some fourth
graders. And the first question the young lady asked me is why are people
trashing my neighborhood? I didn't have a good reason -- I didn't have a good
answer for her. It is so frustrating that people think that this makes sense to
destroy our community, when we know that those people who live there that are already
hurting, are going to be the ones that pay for that.”
(Stephanie Rawlins-Blake, Mayor of Baltimore, 2015)
(Stephanie Rawlins-Blake, Mayor of Baltimore, 2015)
The
April Riots, started by teenagers, called into question how such large sections
of the population could become so disenfranchised in an era of increasing
social connectedness. Yet, teachers have witnessed the development of a
disenfranchised and even subversive population since the implementation of
increasingly standardized models of education within public schools. These
models diminish the role of socio-cultural norms and aspirations of local
communities for those of a nationally dominant socio-cultural group, whose
discourse is increasingly controlled by corporations. The creeping inequality
of the past is now a tidal force of disparity as evident in the enduring
struggle of schools to close the ever widening Achievement Gap.
While
Delpit revises the Achievement Gap as
an Opportunity Gap, the realities of
identifying what the gap truly represents, why it needs to be closed in order
to provide stability and how this can be accomplished remain ever present. As a social institution, the school must
begin to address the varied ontological approaches toward education within
modern pedagogy in order to reconcile the dissonance between formal and
informal cultural perceptions of ‘teaching and learning’. Only when the gap
between societal needs and communal needs are bridge, then can the public
education system begin to truly address these disenfranchised youths. As
it was during the mid-1800’s, so public education must remain, “the great
equalizer of the conditions of men—the balance wheel of the social machinery”
(Mann, 1848, p. 92).
The effect of the great balance wheel will be marginal if
the gulf between the formal institutionalized culture of public education and
the informal social culture of the communities the system is serving continues
to exist. The extent of the Achievement Gap within communities in transition
will be examined in order to demonstrate the breadth of the problem using the
data from a school transitioning from one demographic to another as evidence. Then
the work of three educational philosophers will be reviewed so that the public
education system can bridge the gap between the conception of ‘school’ as a
social institution and ‘school’ as a communal one. First, John Dewey explains
what must be done; return the focus of the ‘school’ to the interest of the ‘community’
over the corporations. Second, Paulo Freire provides a reason why this must be
done; to empower the marginalized and oppressed to claim their education. Third,
Jerome Bruner creates a methodology explaining how this can be accomplished
through the use of local ethnographic research to examine the ontological
relationship between formal and folk pedagogy. Finally, the distinction between
ethnological approaches in education and the misguided application of
culturally relevant pedagogy will be examined.
Baltimore,
like many other urban centers in the Rust Belt of the post-industrial American
landscape, is a proving ground for social practice. Indeed, the Northwest
corner of Baltimore city, along the county line, is experiencing a social
melding as residents from Baltimore’s Westside move up and out into the county
to pursue the American dream. The schools at the forefront of this migration
must now face the realities of chaos, uncertainty, and violence many experience
on a daily basis. This difference between cultural paradigms is captured in the
“Achievement Gap” evident among students.
Pikesville
High School is one school straddling this shifting paradigm. Recent data trends
published by MDReportcard.org and Baltimore County Public Schools, Data
Warehouse demonstrate that a disproportionate number of African-American
students failed to meet various requirements for graduation, testing (SAT and
HSA), and attendance. Pikesville High School currently has 881 students
enrolled (Pikesville High School, www.bcps.org, 2014), with 45%
African-American, 40% White, 8% Asian, 5% Hispanic/Latino, and 2% Two or more
Races (BCPS, Data Warehouse, 2014). While African-American students comprise
the majority of the population, a disproportionate number of African-American
students experience delayed graduation with only 82.68% graduating in four
years, when compared to 91.75% of the White population, 91.67% of the Asian
population and 100% of the Hispanic/Latino population. Although overall
graduation rates rose across the school, among African-Americans the graduation
rate actually fell by nearly 7%. (BCPS, Data Warehouse, 2014)
There
is further data to demonstrate the discord between the needs of the school and
that of the community. According to 2013 SAT data published regarding student
performance, there are major discrepancies between the performance of
African-American students and students of other races, particularly
White-students. Beginning with participation on the SAT, of the 71% of students
who took the SAT in 2013, 100% of the Asian population and 84% of the total
White population sat for the SAT, compared to only 55% of the total
African-American population and 40% of the total Hispanic/Latino population who
took the SAT. This data shows a strong correlation among variables, such as
attendance affecting African-American performance on standardized tests even
beyond the SAT, including AP-exams (BCPS, Data Warehouse, 2014).
African-American performance on the Advance Placement Exams is much lower than
the performance of students from other backgrounds. Only 8% of African-American
students enrolled at the school participated in AP-Exams, compared to 31% of
Asian students and 50% of White students. Among the African-American students
who took the AP-Exams, only 58% passed compared to 72% of Asian students and
79% of White students. (BCPS, Data Warehouse, 2014).
With
such strong a correlation between racial background and performance on
standardized tests, other questions arise regarding the cause of this
disparity. The reality reflected is not necessarily one of academic ability,
but rather availability of opportunity. This data represents the reality of the
opportunity deficit at Pikesville
High School, and the distribution of African-American students across ability
groups, with few African-American students enrolling in GT or AP-classes, few
African-American students identified as Special Ed., but large numbers of
African-American students enrolled in various entitlement programs.
African-American students at Pikesville High School are not necessarily facing
an Achievement Gap as such, but more
an Opportunity Gap (Ladson-Billings,
2013, p. 105) perpetuated by continued ontological and socio-cultural distance
between the socio-cultural norms of the school and those of their communities.
According
to Delpit, African-American students do not enter school with equal levels of opportunity as their peers, particularly
White, because of relative socio-cultural differences. These cultural
differences are often marked by more than stark distinctions in clothes,
custom, and habit, but by varied discourse styles, language, and ontological
dissonance between the formal culture of social institutions and the informal
one of the community. An example of the effect of these cultural differences is
when a teacher often mistakes difficulties with code-switching between dialects
as difficulties in reading and writing (Delpit, 1995, p. 58). When the
socio-cultural norms of the community clash with those of the school, the Opportunity Gap is widened further (Delpit,
1988, p. 292). If these socio-cultural differences are unaddressed, “we are
left with only an abstraction…an inert and lifeless mass” (Dewey, 1897, p. 78)
who is foreclosed from reaching any meaningful achievement.
John
Dewey would rail against the proliferation of standardized testing, blatant
corporate insight and overreach in the modern American school. In fact, Dewey
would argue that the same policies and programs currently in place to address
the needs of marginalized groups are actually marginalizing them further by
increasing social isolation. “[Schools] when separated from the interest of
home and community” (Dewey, 1916, p. 108) by distance, whether socio-cultural,
or geographic, increase the isolation of social groups. This isolation
decreases the free mixing of groups within society, and creates further
disjunction. As corporations continue to see education as a burgeoning market
and schools as consumers, the needs of communities go overlooked because the
public education system seeks for solutions from without rather than from
within. Attempting to ‘buy’ a way out through the purchase of licensed
curricula products rather than examining the communities in which the school is
embedded, only serves to create distance between the school and its stakeholders.
The isolating distance between institution and community creates “rigidity and
formal institutionalizing of life…[promoting]…static and selfish ideals within
the group” (p. 108). In this way, industry bleeds into social life, and
dehumanizes those who fail to meet the industrial criteria for success.
In
place of a prefabricated curriculum implemented in a top-down bureaucratic
structure, Dewey suggests that both teachers and students learn best from
experience. The teacher, and indeed the school, must return the focus not on
ideals and targets set from without, but on those set from within the
community. Free from the shackles of bureaucratic oversight, teachers must be
able to function autonomously in order to be loyal to their own experiences as
they meet the needs of the students placed before them. Teachers must be given
the time and opportunity to generate meaningful educational experiences that
authentically engage their students. According to Dewey, learning can only
occur through authentic educational experiences that promote the reciprocal
exchange between intrinsic change within the student and extrinsic change beyond
the student. Although this may be achieved with a purchased curricular aid, the
“moving face of an experience” (Dewey, 1938, p. 113) is not equal among all
students, but requires the involvement of the teacher to personalize the
experience based on the conditions of the student, the family, and the
community. Therefore, the educator must be able to “judge what attitudes are
actually conducive to continued growth and what are detrimental” (p. 113). This
requires the teacher to weave the classroom experience into the socio-cultural
context of the surrounding community to facilitate the construction of
knowledge through personal connections made by students. The specific
contextual requirements of experience-based, constructivist learning are not
entirely incompatible with a top-down boxed curriculum; however, the task
becomes more difficult the more marginalized the community the school serves. As
Freire would warn, this further perpetuates the marginalization of a community,
ultimately feeding a repressive system.
From
Paulo Freire’s perspective, the public education system becomes a dehumanizing
and oppressive entity when it acts on the needs of the institution over the
needs of the student. An education
system not focused on the needs of the communities it serves becomes an “exercise
of domination [stimulating] the credulity of students, with the ideological
intent…of indoctrinating them to adapt to the world of oppression” (Freire,
1972, p. 201). Essentially, an educational system imposed from the top-down
only seeks to satisfy the needs of those at the top at the expense of those on
the bottom. Students are rewarded based on how well their performance matches
the expectations of the dominant group, not how their performance empowers them
to succeed. Such an approach is “necrophilic” (p. 200) and seeks to overwhelm,
control, and oppress in order to maintain a static, stagnant, society. This
approach predominates corporate and industrial thinking that seeks to
perpetuate the means of their own success. When this corporate consciousness
invades the public institutions the actions of individuals and their participation
in social life is reduced to simply an “illusion…[where they] only submit to
and become a part of those who act” (Freire, 1972, p. 200). In other words, the
powerless are separated by their worth to those who are in power. When this
occurs in schools, large sections of populations are alienated because their
socio-cultural background does not fit the one sanctioned by the corporations,
industries or institutions. Oppression is a natural product when the public
education system as a social institution defines itself by the demands of
industry and capitalism over those of the community and local society.
Education
from a corporate, industrial, capitalistic perspective becomes a commodity to
buy and trade. From a corporate perspective, education, like all other
commodities, follows the economic principles of supply and demand. These principles
categorically exclude segments of the population from having an education based
solely on availability of capital and profitability to the corporate entity. When
schools return their focus to meeting the needs of their students and
communities, agency will shift back to the student. This shift will turn
students from “objects of assistance” (Freire, 1972, p. 204) to “critical
thinkers” (p. 204). Students will be able to “develop their power to perceive
critically the way they exist in the world with which and in which they find themselves; they [will] come to see the world
not as a static reality, but as a reality in process, in transition” (Freire,
1972, p. 204). In other words, they will regain hope. Without hope, what else
do students have left to lose?
Instilling
hope for a future that is better than the present is the real mission of
education. This is the way “[the great] balancing wheel of social machinery” (Mann,
1848, p. 92) works to create stability. John Dewey described what schools must
do to operate at their best, focus on the community and the students. Paulo Freire
articulates why schools must serve the community, in order to liberate the
oppressed, and create authentic hope for future change. Jerome Bruner explains
how this can be accomplished through reimagining the school as not only a
social institution but a cultural one as well.
As
an institution, the public education system strives for lofty ideals, but is
often mired in the political reality of reflecting only one life-way and
culture among many. As Bruner suggests, the educational institution will not be
able to make any significant changes until it reconciles the dissonance between
its formal institutionalized culture and that of surrounding communities.
Bruner states that “education is not simply a technical business of
well-managed information processing, nor even simply a matter of applying
“learning theories” to the classroom or using the results of subject-centered
“achievement tests”. It is a complex pursuit of fitting a culture to the needs
of its members and of fitting its members and their ways of knowing to the
needs to the culture” (Bruner, 1996, p. 43). As a social institution, the
public education system must accept the fact that it is a cultural one as well,
whose primary role is to act as a cultural-informant that bridges the distance
between dominant and marginalized social groups. The inability to perform this
role is what is being perceived as the Achievement or Opportunity Gap.
Beginning
with the individual, Bruner suggests that each child be warmly invited to
participate in a separate culture created by the school that intentionally
bridges the reality of the family with that of society. Bruner states, “My
counsel is not that we throw children in over their heads [as is the case now].
It’s only that we should give them an opportunity…to enter the culture with
awareness of what it is about and what one does to cope with it as a
participant” (Bruner, 1996, p. 82). Teachers must become ethnographers in order
to act as cultural-informants for their students. This can only be accomplished
by focusing the effort of the school squarely on the community, and integrating
as part of the community.
Turning
to integrate into the community, the school, and its participants must seek to
become part of the community. They must seek to actively engage with members of
the community in order to better understand the socio-cultural context in which
meaning is made, and identity is derived. Experience within the community will
provide teachers with insight into the pedagogy of the surrounding community.
Bruner calls this culturally-specific pedagogy “folk pedagogy” (p. 44). At a
cross roads between the psychological and cultural construction of meaning,
understanding the ‘folk pedagogies’ of a community will enable a teacher “to situate…knowledge in the living context
that poses the “presenting problem,” to borrow a bit of medical jargon. And
that living context, where education is concerned, is the schoolroom—the
schoolroom situated in a broader culture” (Bruner, 1996, p. 44). Not only will
this provide the individual teacher insight into the student, but it will also
validate their role in the community as communal-participant and meaning-maker.
Enhanced cultural insight will allow participating members of the school
community to be aware of the messages hidden within pedagogical choices. This
is important because as Bruner states, “Pedagogy is never innocent. It is a
medium that carries its own message” (Bruner, 1996, p. 63) to which students
are inherently attuned.
While
in comparison to Dewey and Freire, Bruner appears to be taking a microscopic
view of education, he is merely expressing in exquisitely fine detail the
function, importance and level of interaction a school must have in order to
connect with the community. The conception of a school as social institution
when reduced to its essence is primarily about the relationships and exchanges
between three entities: family and student, student and student, and student
and teacher (Gastaldi, et al, 2015, p. 103). Bruner’s conception of the teacher
as ethnographer and folk-pedagogy as a vehicle for creating cultural meaning
across social groups presents a distinct difference from current applications
of culturally relevant pedagogy By
lumping students into vast cultural/racial groups, such misapplied culturally
relevant pedagogies leave teachers teaching to little more than national
caricatures of each student based on racial stereotypes and sweeping
generalizations rather than individual, social and community specific
realities. Schools must move beyond the “heroes and holidays” (Lee, at al.,
2007) approach and must be willing to conduct ethnological research in order to
truly examine the cultural ontology, learning relationships and folk pedagogies
within specific communities. This examination of ontology must attend to the
reciprocity and relationship among all parties invested in the successful
education of the nation’s youth, with particular attention to the
student-teacher relationship. The nature of this relationship should be viewed
as a cultural artifact that embodies the cultural appropriations of dichotomous
power/authority structures and exchanges within a perceived social hierarchy.
In the aftermath of the April Riots, the citizens of Baltimore, of
Maryland, and of the nation faced the ugliness of a reality so easily
overlooked. Teenagers on their way home from school, obsessed with the notion
of a purge (after the movie starring Ethan Hawke), where the poor would rob
from the rich to redistribute wealth and balance society, held a city in their
grasp. As they looted and burned their neighborhoods, they released the
violence and chaos many experience privately across a national media landscape
for public consumption. Those in positions of power and authority seemed surprised
by the lack of respect for law and order, and the willingness to commit
violence demonstrated by the city’s youth. Many educators and police officers
were not. We know firsthand the price that must be paid when a social
institution created to instill hope and serve the most vulnerable is corrupted
and becomes a model for oppression in service to the power-elite. When the job
of teaching becomes tied to tests and not to students, the schoolhouse becomes
new ground for venture capitalists and not humanitarian outreach, and students
are judge based on their current corporate worth and not the value of an
undetermined future, there is no way out. Hope still exists, teachers must
rekindled it student-by-student. The public school’s mission for the 21st
century must be to reach into the community, heal the wounds from the inside
out, and remind every student that they are more than the sum of their
test-scores.
.
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Warehouse,
https://www.bcps.org/schools/profiles/pikesvillehs.pdf
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Originally Aired April 27, 2015 - 20:00ET, Anderson Cooper 360
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Originally Aired April 27, 2015 - 20:00ET, Anderson Cooper 360
http://www.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1504/27/acd.01.html, accessed 11/21/2015

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